What İs The Origin Of The Object Approaching Erdoğan?

Yaşar Aydın

News regarding the fund scandal keeps emerging from the palace. Moreover, there is no sign of this situation coming to an end. Most recently, Ertan Aydın, a former AKP MP known for his closeness to Erdoğan, has been added to the list. Just as it seemed Aydın, who had been taken into custody as part of the operation, had completed the process under house arrest, he was re-arrested. But Ertan Aydın is neither the first nor, it seems, likely to be the last. Moreover, the fact that the names emerging have held managerial positions at institutions such as the Wealth Fund and Türkiye Sigorta suggests that this affair has much more to unravelling.

A great deal happened last week regarding this issue. But one of the most interesting developments was the fact that the infighting within the AKP made it onto the front pages of newspapers. The column by Abdülkadir Selvi – whose loyalty Erdoğan himself had dismissed as ‘inadequate’ – published in Hürriyet on 21 October, sparked a great deal of debate. In his column, Selvi attempted to take a swipe at Berat Albayrak whilst pretending his own views had changed, and quoted a remark by Faik Öztrak targeting Erişah Arıcan, Chair of the Istanbul Stock Exchange Board of Directors, regarding the fund crisis: “Dostoyevsky once said, ‘We’ve all emerged from Gogol’s The Overcoat’... In the bureaucracy, too, the heads of many institutions have emerged from Ms Erişah’s and her team’s overcoat...’.

Although the sentence belongs to Öztrak, it was Selvi who brought it to Hürriyet. Naturally, this ‘cleverness’ on Selvi’s part did not escape Sabah’s notice. The intention was clear in using Prof. Erişah Arıcan – whom Berat Albayrak appointed as head of Borsa İstanbul in April 2018 and who has remained in that position ever since – in the same sentence. This is because Borsa İstanbul is now seen as one of the main centres of the fund scandal. Given that such a perception has taken hold, Turkuvaz Media could not have interpreted the reference to Berat Albayrak’s appointments in any other way.

Indeed, Berat Albayrak’s lawyer, İsa Sinan Göktaş, stated in a statement issued via the Sabah newspaper: “Those who use people like Faik Öztrak and Ümit Özlale as pawns are the same people who prompted Abdulkadir Selvi to write his article today,” thereby making it clear that they understood exactly what was being attempted. The Sabah newspaper did not stop at this statement but also placed Selvi’s photograph alongside those of individuals known to be affiliated with FETÖ. Even today, the Sabah newspaper’s harsh criticism of Selvi continues unabated.

It is hardly plausible that a single column alone could be the motivation behind what has so enraged Berat Albayrak – who is accustomed to criticism from the opposition – and spurred Sabah into action. The question that must therefore be asked is: “What is the real issue, and what does it have to do with Selvi?”

It is common knowledge that there is a tension within the AKP and the People’s Alliance that can no longer be concealed. In the broadest sense, this tension is described as an internal power struggle over the post-Erdoğan era. There is talk of a fragmented struggle for the reins of the power, involving parties both within and outside the country, and one that has seen shifts in alliances from time to time. We can summarise its current manifestation as a struggle to “surround Erdoğan without criticising him, whilst protecting him”.

On one side are those who share the same objective of limiting the influence of the Palace circle within the post-Erdoğan power structure (Bahçeli, the judiciary, the security bureaucracy and Kılıçdaroğlu), along with their international connections; on the other side are the family and the Palace, along with their international connections.

This tension also lies behind the strong backlash against Selvi. The Palace and its entourage interpret the funding scandal as an international intervention backed by a faction within the governing bloc. They also place anyone writing or commenting on the matter within the framework of this interpretation. Selvi, whether knowingly or unknowingly, has stepped into this minefield.

Erdoğan’s former speechwriter, Aydın Ünal, clearly articulated the Palace’s interpretation of the fund scandal in his column in the Yeni Şafak newspaper. In his piece, Ünal provided a lengthy assessment of the Azerbaijan crisis. After drawing attention to the impending external encirclement through the prism of regional power balances in the Caucasus, Ünal turned his attention inwards to the fund crisis, stating that the real target was Erdoğan: “Something is afoot, something is brewing, a scenario is being staged; to quote that famous film line, ‘an object is approaching’.”

The most striking part of Aydın Ünal’s article, however, is as follows: “President Erdoğan was, quite frankly, heading towards his easiest election yet; he was walking through a thornless rose garden. But as the election draws nearer, the risks have begun to mount. The siege will tighten further.”

The infighting that began within the government with the fund scandal, the arrows being hurled at Erdoğan, Bahçeli’s call for a purge and his bid for the ‘legislature’, are all directly linked to Aydın Ünal’s warning. It is abundantly clear that as Turkey moves towards a crucial turning point, a struggle is taking place over who—or which faction—will be at the helm.

There are undoubtedly internal reasons within the People’s Alliance for the conflict spilling onto the streets. But the main reason is that, despite all the ruling bloc’s unlawful practices, the outcome of the election – and, more importantly, the country’s direction – remains uncertain. This situation is constantly driving new manoeuvres within the regime blocs, and every move creates a new crisis internally.

A course of action has been devised, employing every conceivable anti-democratic method, to enable Erdoğan to proceed along a ‘smooth path’. To silence the opposition, presidential candidates have been sidelined, municipalities have been taken over, political parties have been declared invalid, television channels and websites have been shut down, and dozens of journalists have been sent to prison. Yet the desired outcome has still not been achieved.

As long as the tendency to protest persists within society, it is inevitable that the government will continually face turbulence, both minor and major. The Palace believes that the pressure it is exerting will put an end to this protest, or at least reduce it. This aspect of the matter depends on the resolve of both organised and unorganised opposition forces. This will be the decisive factor. It is clear just how much the events of the past month have worn down the government. That is why they are also deeply afraid of the opposition riding a wave of public sentiment.

As if that were not enough, they fear that the international powers that brought them to power might change their minds.

They fear the deepening of the crisis. The Palace’s list of fears is very long, and it looks set to grow even longer.

Note: This article is translated from the original article titled Erdoğan'a yaklaşan cismin menşei nedir?, published in BirGün newspaper on October 26, 2026.